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KEYWORDS:
Citlalin Xochime Research, People of the Red Brown Earth, Indigenous
Mexica, Native American Haplogroups, New World Human Genetics,
DNA haplotypes, Indigenous People of Mexico, Mexican origins
and migrations, Amerind, Uto-Aztecan Nahuatl, Athabaskan, Inuit,
New World Language groups, Nahuatl speaking people, Mexika,
Ancient One, Kennewick man, Ice Age, natural history, Chile,
South America, North America, Central America, Caribbean, Pleistocene
epoch, First Nations People, Ixachilan, Ixachilankah
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FIRST
PEOPLE OF IXACHILAN
INTRODUCTION
Researchers
have characterized traceable genetic sequence markers among
descendants of the earliest founding human populations to inhabit
the continental northlands and southlands of Ixachilan (a Nahuatl
word for the Western Hemisphere). More than a decade of genetics
research combined with evidence from the linguistic, molecular
anthropologic, and archaeologic fields, now support a theory
of complex human migration patterns in the New World that date
back in natural history to more than 30,000 years ago before
present (BP). This origin and migration theory is not merely
"a hunch," as some skeptics of scientific theory have
put forth in recent arguments. Rather, "in science,
a theory is an explanation for a set of known facts and observations,"
remarks Stanford biologist Donald Kennedy and a panel from the
National Academy of Sciences (NAS) in an educational report
designed to teach science literacy in Amerikan classrooms (qtd.
in Holden 194).
From ancient
artifacts uncovered beneath forested regions of Chile, to the
near extinction of the indigenous Taino people on the tropical
isles of the Caribbean Sea—evolving from native research is
a fascinating story about the original people of the red brown
earth, their descendants, a legacy of ancestral remains, and
a volumetric contribution to the precolonial human concourse—as
never described before in mainstream media. Scientists have
identified descendants of Ixachilan's First People among the
contemporary tribal peoples and the urban-dwelling Mexican populations
of the Continental North, among the indigenous populations of
the Continental Midland and of the tropic Continental Isles,
among the village dwelling inhabitants of the peripheral artic
and the subartic regions, and among nomadic and cosmopolitan
populations of the Andean, coastal, savannah grassland, and
Amazonian regions of the Continental South (Schurr 247).
Common geographic
names are redefined in this article for principle reasons. One
point is to emphasize recognition of the founding heritage and
connected homelands among the indigenous peoples throughout
Ixachilan. More than 500 years of invading forces and colonial
practices have divided native populations with militarized borders,
disassembled native traditions, and conditioned a cultural identity
in Amerika that harbors hatred and promotes self-hatred of indigenous
recognition. In effect, these colonial practices and Western
teachings aim to disconnect indigenous people from their relationships
to the land and from one another.
In order to
resolve such complex relationships between the founding
heritage, common ancestry, and connected homelands of Ixachilankah
(the Western Hemisphere's indigenous peoples), the aim of this
article is to present DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) evidence that
begins to resolve the ancestral relationships and natural human
migration events of the red brown earth's original inhabitants.
These genetic relationships and historical connections with
the land were established in precolonial times along genetic
trails of humankind in the New World.

In 1492, the
arrival of Eurocentric Amerikan culture in the New World brought
adversity, including colonial warfare and enslavement onto the
original inhabitants and their descendants. Befallen with this
adversity, the indigenous populations were quickly subjugated
by numerous colonial powers in far-reaching and long-lasting
outcomes of habitat invasion, cultural destruction, systematic
genocide, and socioeconomic stratification. In less than 50
years of colonial Amerikan history, Spanish invaders had reached
Baja, Mexico on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. Aided by Old
World firearm technology and opportunistic encounters with immunocompromised
native populations, colonial advancement spread as Eurocentric
cultivation rapidly supplanted the native habitat and diverse
indigenous cultures. The land was no longer free to walk upon,
the fruits of the red brown earth were no longer available for
indigenous use, and a hemispheric siege by the Colonial Imposition
of Old World religious authority, (English) common and Roman
law, and colonial superiority had begun.
Over the
centuries, Eurocentric Amerikan culture thrived along with the
spread of misinformation and the persistent circulation of stigmatizing
myths about the "savage Native" and their "primitive, barbaric
culture." Today, many of these historical perspectives of New
World Native Peoples in Amerikan media, literature, and other
liberal art works are questioned for their exploitive and biased
content and replaced with truths taught in the home, challenged
with facts extracted from the encyclopedia, and debated with
lessons taught at the University level:
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"As
the indigenous population in the Caribbean plummeted,
Spaniards resorted to slave raids on the mainland of
what is now Florida to bolster the workforce. When the
time came that this, too, proved insufficient, they
took to importing West Africans to work the cane fields
and silver mines.
Those
Native Americans who did survive were often assigned,
as an entire village or community to a planter or mine
operator to whom they would owe all their services.
The encomienda system, as it came to
be known, amounted to virtual slavery. This, too, broke
the spirit and health of the indigenous peoples, making
them all the more vulnerable to the diseases brought
by the Europeans (Qtd. in MSN Encarta Encyclopedia 2001)."
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In
his personal, ancestral history, Dr. Mario E. Alburges
(one-half indigenous Venezuelan, one-half French descent),
Research Assistant Professor and Director of Diversity
Affairs, at the University of Utah College of Pharmacy,
describes the Spanish colonial ranches as a place where
indigenous people were enslaved:
From
Florida to California, down to South America, the Native
People underwent forced labor conditions on colonial
ranches. Stripped of their human identity and sovereignty,
community-wide designations of patriarchal surnames
were applied based on the last name of the ruling Spanish
ranch lord.
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"The
Spanish came quite frankly to conquer, to Christianize,
and to exploit, all by force of arms. They did not shilly-shally
about Indian title to the land or Indian sovereignty,
they simply took over, then granted the Indians titles
deriving from the Spanish crown (qtd. in Oates 14)."
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"The
native Mississippians (Mound Builders), built towns
of earthen mounds that could reach heights of a hundred
feet, and they had sufficient grasp of astronomy and
math to 'align each of their mounds according to the
exact position of the sun when it rose and set on the
equinox and solstice' (qtd. in Oates 3)."
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Yet even in
Amerikan academia, common misapplied terms to indigenous people
such as the apposition of "Native People" as "colonizers"
that is emphasized in the literature as if all people are colonizers
lacking an indigenous identity. Indigenous people of Ixachilan
are not colonizers as many American academic circles tend to
cite. A colony is defined by Webster's dictionary as "a group
of people who leave their native country to form in a new land
a settlement subject to, or connected with the parent nation."
This is the case with European colonizers and their descendants
in the Western Hemisphere, those whom maintain cultural relationships
such as the English language, Old World religious tenets and
judicial systems, together with an ancestral heritage with the
parental continent of Europe. However this is not the case with
Ixachilankah and their descendants, where linguistic and ancestral
relationships have existed throughout the entire Western Hemisphere
for a time span in the tens of thousands of years. These relationships
continue to exist despite centuries of societal and institutional
incriminations of native culture by religious and governing
colonial institutions.
DNA is a Physical Entity
Contrary
to antagonistic efforts such as those mentioned above that negate
native culture and devalue its people, recent human population
DNA studies reveal that indigenous people of Ixachilan share
distinct genetic relationships and possess significant retention
of their native ancestry across widespread, geographic areas.
These genetic relationships and historical connections with
the New World land existed and were well-established
long before Euro-installed political borders, law, and religious
order arrived.
In other important
population genetics studies, a global human origins study conducted
by Mark Seielstad et al., of the Harvard School of Public Health,
produced evidence that all humans, New World and Old World,
are descended from the same human ancestors in Africa (558).
From these and other genetic data, scientists are now able to
reconstruct human migration events, trace genetic trails out
of Africa, and map genetic pathways of humankind the world over
(cited in Carajal-Carmona, et al. 1287). A worldwide study of
human-nuclear DNA by Clifford, Soodyall, & Stoneking of
Pennsylvania State University, provides evidence for human migration
and gene flow out of Africa beginning 137,000 years ago, (plus
or minus) ± 15,000 years (1061). Based on genetic evidence
alone, the species-level relationship between Old World and
New World humans emerged in a prehistoric Africa continent within
a natural state of habitat, undefined by regional borders, ethnic
labels, or "racial" divisions.
Common geographic
names are redefined in this article for native recognition purpose
and in observance of geographic orientation centered on global
human (Homo sapien sapien) origins arising in Africa
around 140,000 years ago. Historically, since colonization of
the New World, the practice of labeling or imposing derogatory
and dehumanizing names to Native People and their land continues.
Such is the case with the use of the misnomer of the "Caribbean,"
that means "cannibal." As an example of earlier colonial propaganda,
this form of slander was imposed on native inhabitants of Ixachilan
by the Spaniards due their belief that indigenous people on
the mainland ate human flesh (Webster's 199). In response to
these and many other abject designations, we use the following
terms for geographic regional direction as depicted in the map
(Figure 1) below to define Ixachilan as a place where native
lands are all connected as well as the people: Ixachilan includes
the Continental North, the Continental Midland and Isles, and
the Continental South.
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| Figure
1. Ixachilan (the Western Hemisphere) |

Scott Jorgensen Image 2001.
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Questions
about the origins and migrations of the New World's first human
inhabitants resurfaced in the scientific community during the
early 1990s, and subsequent scientific inquiry has sparked controversial
theories as a result. Today's theories on the origins and migrations
of Ixachilankah are temporally and regionally unparalleled with
current secular teachings in the classrooms of Amerika or with
the religious doctrines found amongst the various Amerikan evangelist
denominations. Central to the controversy, is recent genetic
and linguistic evidence indicating that arrival of Ixachilan's
first human inhabitants occurred during a number of progressions.
These migrations originated in Siberia and date back in natural
history to more than 30,000 years ago BP (Schurr 248; Stone
and Stoneking 1164; Hurtado de Mendoza and Braginski 1439;
Starikovskaya et al.1473).
New scientific
explanations diverged from the dogma when scientists employed
molecular biology tools to address their inquiries on the peopling
of the New World. Findings from these inquiries include genetic
evidence that begins to answer the questions that are posed:
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Who
were the founding human populations to inhabit Ixachilan?
Where did these
populations originate?
When
did peopling of the New World begin?
What
are the current theories on Native People migrations in
Ixachilan? |
In our special topic section, we will
address the following questions concerning the Ancient
One:
Why
does controversy exist over the remains and heritage of
the Ancient One, also known as Kenniwick Man, by
U.S. scientists?
What
do we know about the Ancient One's life? |
Finally, answers
with supporting evidence to all of these questions
begin as research unfolds the natural, prehistoric
portrait of the prominent features and the forces
of nature that shaped indigenous peoples' lives.
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Corbis
Image

NATURAL HISTORY:
SHAPING THE PREHISTORIC NEW WORLD
Human migration
to the New World commenced during the Pleistocene epoch in the
Cenozoic Era of geologic time (Figure 2). The Pleistocene epoch
occurred about 2 million years BP and lasted until 10,000 years
ago BP. Natural history's most recent serial Ice Age, the origins
of humankind in Africa, and human arrival in the New World during
the Pleistocene terminal phase mark this epoch (Encylopedia
Americana online 2001).
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Figure
2. Geologic Time Frame.
The
Earth was formed from dense stardust matter about 4.6
billion years ago. Four eras of geologic history define
time since this event: the Precambrian Era, the Paleozoic
Era, the Mesozoic Era, and our present Cenozoic Era.
The Cenozoic Era is further defined by seven epochs
with the *Pleistocene Epoch beginning about 2 million
years ago. Recent geologic time is defined as the Holocene
epoch and spans the last 10,000 years.
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FOUR
ERAS OF GEOLOGIC TIME 
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SEVEN
EPOCHS of the CENOZOIC ERA
| Paleocene |
65
million years ago |
| Eocene |
55
million years ago |
| Oligocene |
40
million years ago |
| Miocene |
25
million years ago |
| Pliocene |
10
million years ago |
| Pleistocene |
*2
million years ago |
| Holocene |
10,000
years ago to present |
Scott Jorgensen Image 2001.
(Webster's 558)
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During
Pleistocene glacial maxima, the New World landscapes, animal
species, and climate conditions were brutal. Ice sheets, a couple
miles high, covered much of the present-day United States, reaching
St. Louis, topping the Rocky Mountains of Utah at times, and
sculpting the Yosemite Valley (Creation of Yosemite). The shorelines
of Ancient Lake Bonneville, a fresh water habitat, spanned across
most of western Utah and edged into parts of Idaho and Nevada
between 30,000 and 12,000 years ago BP (Utah's Geologic History).
Mega fauna habituated and freely roamed the available terrain.
These ice age creatures included mammoth, ancient camel, saber-toothed
tiger, mega-sized beaver, bears 50% larger than today, giant
ground sloth, and paleo-llama (Ice Age Animals of Utah; Wong
22). The forces of nature in the extreme natural and elemental
forms cultivated the rapidly changing New World habitat. Near
the end of the Pleistocene epoch, circa 35,000 to 14,000 years
ago, humans from Siberian geographic regions in Asia set out
on a number of folk migrations to the prehistoric Ixachilan
frontier (Rickards 519; Starikovskaya et al. 1473).
Archeological
evidence of human habitation in the New World further back in
natural history than 12,000 years ago is accumulating. Structural
evidence from a site in Monte Verde, Chile, known as Monte Verde
I, includes stone tool artifacts and possible human-made burned
clay objects with radiocarbon dates around 33,000 years ago.
The ancient site was unburied by archeologist Tom Dillehay of
the University of Kentucky following an initial and successful
excavation of a 12,500-years-old settlement in the upper levels
of the Monte Verde, Chile location (Dillehay 167). The uppermost
12,500-years-old site is known as Monte Verde II (Figure 3)
and was discovered during the mid-1970s in a forested region
in the vicinity of Chinchihuapi Creek by local villagers (Dillehay
161).
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Figure 3. Monte Verde,
Chile Footprint.
Artifacts from Monte Verde
II include this footprint that is thought by experts to
belong to a large human of adolescent age or a small person
of adulthood status. This graphic is a digitally enhaced,
color intensified version
for clarity purpose
of an image taken by Dillehay (163).
Evidence from the 12,500-years-old Monte Verde II site
includes stone and wooden tools, mastadon skin and meat,
paleo-llama, animal bones, freshwater mollusks, projectile
points, three human footprints (Figure 3), two large hearths,
wild potatoe remains, and a variety of medicinal plants.
These wellness herbs were gathered from afar in Chilean
coastal regions located westwardly about 70 kilometers
away and one plant originates from dry inland areas about
700 kilometer to the north (Dillehay 164-5). Evidence
of a 20-meter wooden foundation that probably supported
a log and plank frame residence with walls constructed
out of poles draped in animal hide and floors covered
in animal fur was determined (Dillehay 161).
Scott Jorgensen graphic 2001. |
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Artifacts excavated
from Dillehay's investigations were studied by more than sixty
scientists from interdisciplinary backgrounds (Dillehay 161).
Researchers postulate that it may have taken as long as 6,000
years of migratory movement, in addition to the 12,500 calendar
years, for First People descendants to arrive at the Monte Verde
site from Siberian origins (Recer). The Monte Verde II archeological
findings amount to human arrival in the New World dating back
18,500 years ago.
Dillehay will
not confirm the 33,000-years-old Monte Verde I site as a valid
settlement until further evidence is found and discoveries of
other sites with similar radiocarbon dates in Ixachilan are
confirmed (Dillehay 167). Despite inconclusive findings surrounding
the 33,000-years-old Monte Verde I site, pending further investigation,
it is certain that the founding populations carried with them—in
nearly every cell, distinctive genetic evidence that was transmitted
to offspring for a thousand or greater number of generations.
Who then—were these New World foragers, and how can scientist
study genetic evidence in today's indigenous New World populations
to resolve questions on First People origins and migrations?

DNA EVIDENCE
FINDING AND
BUILDING A GENETIC MODEL FOR STUDY
Scientists used
three genetic models to study peopling of the New World: Y chromosomal
DNA, mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), and the genetic sequence of
the albumin protein.
Humans share
a 99.9 % genetically similar function and identity of deoxyribonucleic
acid (DNA) molecules collectively known as a human genome (Goetinck).
This means that human beings share a nearly identical hereditary
package and related expression which cannot be discriminated
into terms of variant "human races." Any such reference to terms
of human race are thereby invalid and representative of uninformed
opinion or misguided information as often served when the subject
of "racial category" is addressed in government-influenced
publications. The human genome by definition is not discernible
by "racial category" among globally diverse people
of differing heritage, color, cultural affinity, regional background,
ethnic origin, or creation story.
The
major component of the human genome is comprised of 46 chromosomes
located in the nucleus of every human cell with the exception
of red blood cells and the matured sex cells. On closer inspection,
the genetic content of the nucleus includes 23 chromosomes inherited
from the maternal source (ovum) and 23 homologous counterparts
inherited from the paternal source (spermatozoa). Homologous
chromosomes are paired arrangements of the respective 23 chromosomes
with each representative chromosome being inherited from one
parental contributor. For example, the X and Y chromosomes constitute
a homologous pairing.(Genome Glossary: homologous chromosome).
The
23 chromosomes of the respective parental contributors are further
classified as 22 autosomal chromosomes that do not carry
sex determining sequences and one sex chromosome that does
(Genome Glossary: autosome). Prior to fertilization, the
22 autosomal chromosomes undergo genetic recombination (gene
exchange) events that interchange genetic material in the immature
sex cells of the respective parents. Genetic recombinations
are completely natural and increase the diversity of the genetic
contribution from each parent to the next generation. However,
genetic exchanges that occur during recombination events make
it difficult for scientists to study autosomal chromosomes due
to introduced variability over time. Scientists have discovered
that the male sex chromosome is a better genetic model for human
origins and migration study.
The
sex chromosomes include one Y contribution from the paternal
source and one X contribution from the maternal source if the
offspring is male. The male specific region of the Y chromosome
is not compatible with the X chromosome for genetic recombination
events, thus this portion of the Y chromosome is left very much
intact from generation to generation of father to son, providing
scientists with highly conserved genetic sequences for study
(Lell et al., 536). The Human Genome Project information website
for the public defines conserved genetic sequences as "sequences
that have remained essentially unchanged throughout evolution"
(Genome Glossary: conserved sequence).
Another component of the human genome is mitochondrial DNA
(mtDNA) that originates from sub-cellular organelles of the
maternal ovum known as mitochondria. The mitochondria are required
for biochemical activity and contain their own discrete DNA
known as mtDNA (Figure 4).
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Figure
4. Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA).
mtDNA is a maternally
inherited loop of DNA that does not take on the
characteristic shape of a chromosome such as those
located in the nucleus. Cleavage of a mtDNA loop
by specific enzymes may result in an assortment
of fragments collectively known as its haplotype.
Related groups of haplotypes are further classified
into a haplogroup or mtDNA lineage. Researchers
have identified four major mtDNA haplogroups among
contemporary indigenous populations of the Western
Hemisphere, known as Haplogroups A-D.
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Scott
Jorgensen Image 2001.
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mtDNA is passed via the maternal ovum without undergoing genetic
recombination events to female or male offspring. Thus mtDNA
remains relatively intact generation to generation in the transmission
from mother to daughter child in similar conservative style
as the highly conserved male- specific sequences of the Y chromosome
among males (Schurr 248).
Highly conserved genetic sequences are useful to the scientist
interested in characterizing specific genetic sequences or genes.
Genes are defined as specific regions of the DNA material representing
chemical instruction for the transmittal synthesis of a protein,
protein constituents, or other biochemical participants (Alberts,
et al. 457; Genetics: The Basics).
Scientists can study a specific gene with constituent genetic
sequence changes that have occurred naturally over time. These
gene changes, known as mutations are then compared with samples
of the same gene from populations of differing heritage or regional
backgrounds.
Gene
mutations also arise randomly in otherwise highly conserved
sequences such as those found in mtDNA or the Y chromosome.
These gene or marker mutations can then be regionally propagated
to descending populations over time and are useful in identifying
ancestry or migration origins once the mutation is characterized.
For example, we can trace a single mutation in a gene with a
mutation origin in Africa that results in sickle cell anemia
today among homologous carriers. A single copy of this mutant
gene is beneficial and confers resistance to malaria. However,
two copies (a homologous pair) of the modified gene results
in the sickle cell condition (Voet and Voet 126). In human population
genetic studies, the origins and migrations of people can be
traced by marker mutations that demonstrate patterns of inheritance
from well characterized genes or DNA sequences of mtDNA and
the Y chromosome (Genome Glossary: marker).

DNA SAMPLING, TESTING, AND RESULTS
CHARACTERIZING DNA HAPLOGROUPS
Researchers
collected mtDNA from diverse cultural populations extending
across Ixachilan as listed below in Table 1 (O'Rouke et al.,
18-20; Schurr 247). Each DNA sample was reacted with restriction
enzymes that specifically cleave genetic material at characteristic
sites much like a pair of scissors can be used to cut a loop
of yarn to a specific size. Next, the fragmented DNA is resolved
according to the size of each fragment. Compilations of such
fragments form a composite of an individual's DNA haplotype.
Related groups of haplotypes with matching constituent mutations
of common ancestral origin are further classified into a haplogroup
or lineage. For example, researchers have characterized
four major haplogroups as representative of mtDNA founding lineages
among descendants of the original inhabitants of the New World
that are designated as haplogroups A, B, C, and D (Schurr 249).
Table 1.
|
Diverse
Cultural Populations Sampled and Listed by Regional Location
(Green, Derr, and Knight 990; O'Rourke et al. 18-20; Schurr
247) |
| Arctic |
Subarctic |
Northwest
Coast |
| Aleut
(ancient) |
Dogrib |
Bella
Coola |
| Inuit |
|
Haida |
| Gambell
Inuit |
|
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
|
| Old
Harbor Inuit |
Central
Plains |
|
| Ouzinkie
Inuit |
Cheyenne/Arapahoe |
|
| Savoonga
Inuit |
Dakota,
Lakota, Nakota, etc. |
|
| Siberian
Inuit |
|
|
| St.
Paul Aleut |
|
|
| Northeast |
Southeast |
Great
Basin |
| Chippewa/Kickapoo |
Cherokee |
Fremont
(ancient) |
| Iroquois |
Chickasaw/Choctaw |
Paiute/Shoshone
|
| Mohawk |
Creek/Seminole |
Pyramid
Lake (ancient) |
| Anishinabi/Chippewa |
Muskoke |
Stillwater
Marsh (ancient) |
| Oneota
(ancient) |
|
Washo |
| Southwest
|
California |
Mexico |
| Anasazi
(ancient) |
Californian
Uto-Aztecan |
Alta
Mixtec |
| Diné
(Navajo) |
Cochimi |
Baja
Mixtec |
| Havasupai/Hualapai |
California
Penutian |
Cosmopolitan
Mexican |
| Inde
(Apache) |
Salinan/Chumash |
Areas
of Ciudad Juarez and
|
| Jemez/Taos/San
Idelfonso |
|
Ojinaga,
Chihuahua, Mexico
|
| Onk
Akimel O'Odham |
Baja |
Maya |
| Quechan/Cocopa
|
Kiliwa/Paipai |
Mixe
|
| Yavapai/Mojave |
Kumiai |
Nahua/Cora |
| Zuni
|
|
Zapotec |
|
Amazon
Forest
|
Continental
Midland
|
Continental
South
|
| Yanomami |
Kuna
|
Mapuche
(Chile) |
| |
|
Quecha
(Bolivia) |
| |
|
Xavante
(Brazil) |
WHO WERE
THE FOUNDING POPULATIONS TO INHABIT PREHISTORIC IXACHILAN?
Approximately
97% of all mtDNA sampled and tested thus far from contemporary
indigenous based populations encompassing all of Ixachilan is
classified into one of the four major founding haplogroups identified
with New World ancestry (Green, Derr, and Knight 989; Brown,
et al. 1852). Evidence from other mtDNA studies involving ancient
samples from various regions of the Ixachilan, including results
from the ancient remains of the Southwestern Anasazi, Utah Fremont,
and Western Illinois Oneota, confirm the presence of the four
founding New World haplogroups among ancestral mtDNA as well
(O'Rourke, et al. 15; Stone and Stoneking,1153). Dr. L. J. Zimmerman,
Chair of American Indian and Native Studies Program at the University
of Iowa describes the Oneota as a prehistoric mound culture
that inhabited the Illinois riverside bluffs circa 1,200 years
ago BP until European contact (and subsequent demise).
WHERE DID THE
NEW WORLD FOUNDING POPULATIONS ORIGINATE?
Haplogroup characterization
study as previously and/or similarly described in this article
and based on either mtDNA or Y chromosomal DNA, suggest multiple
Asian origins of migration by the New World founding populations
(Schurr 248). Specific Asian locations include the northern
and eastern ranges alongside Lake Baikal (Russia), Mongolia,
West Siberia, and Beringia, the now submerged land mass that
once joined Asia and Alaska, for Y chromosome characterized
haplotype origins (Schurr 253).
One major New
World DNA marker is identified by scientists as the Y chromosome
1G-haplotype. In a global study with 2,198 males from 60 geographic
loci, Karafet (1999), et al. found a 1G-haplotype frequency
distribution of approximately 54% amongst all New World groups.
This DNA marker was found completely absent in African, European,
and Australian groups (820). The 1G-haplotype findings suggest
that this DNA mutation found amongst New World male groups sampled,
possibly arose in an ancestral Beringian population that proceeded
to traverse the entire New World lands more than 30,000 years
ago (Lell, et al. 536).
DNA LINEAGE
DISTRIBUTION
WHAT ARE THE
CURRENT THEORIES ON NATIVE PEOPLE MIGRATIONS IN THE NEW WORLD?
Distribution
frequency trends of mtDNA haplogroups-A,B,C, and D introduce
deeper complexities in the determination of regional migration
patterns of Native People in the New World. mtDNA haplogroup-B
has an ubiquitous presence in Ixachilan with exceptions to remote,
sparsely populated regions of the northwestern (NW) Continental
North (Figure A), Siberia, and the utmost southern tip of the
Continental South (Figure B), (Starikovskaya et al. 1474). Whereas
haplogroup-A is most commonly found in Chukotka of extreme North
East (NE) Siberia and its peoples, the Paleoasiatic-speaking
Chukchi, Na-Dene speaking peoples, and the Inuit-Aleuts (Schurr
253).
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Figure A. mtDNA Haplogroups A-D in the Continental
North. Representative Frequency
Distributions in the Continental North of mtDNA Haplogroups
A-D as a Graphic Reconstruction (approximate) of Results from
Diverse Cultural Populations Listed in Table 1. Actual Data
of All Groups Sampled and Sources are Listed in Table
2 (Table 2 content not loaded).
mtDNA Haplogroups A-D in the
Continental North
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HAPLOGROUP
KEY |
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Haplogroup-A
then decreases in frequency from the Continental North southward.
In comparison, we find variable frequencies of haplogroup-B
amongst present-day Native Peoples of the Continental North
and amongst contemporary Amazonian and Andean peoples of the
Continental South. This random, aclinal geographic dispersion
of haplogroup-B, combined with its lacking presence in the NW
Continental North, suggests an independent, perhaps Pacific
coastal migration to the prehistoric Western Hemisphere by Native
People haplogroup-B ancestral carriers (Starikovskaya et
al. 1474).
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Figure B. mtDNA Haplogroups A-D in the Continental
South. Representative Frequency
Distributions in the Continental South of mtDNA Haplogroups
A-D as a Graphic Reconstruction (approximate) of Results from
Diverse Cultural Populations Listed in Table 1. Actual Data
of All Groups Sampled and Sources are Listed in Table 2
(Table 2 content not loaded).
mtDNA Haplogroups A-D in the
Continental South
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HAPLOGROUP
KEY |
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Haplogroups-C
and D generally decrease in frequency from the Continental South
northward and are geographically traceable to Asia where these
groups represent the prevailing mtDNA lineages found in Northern
Asia. An additional marker mutation present in Native People
haplogroups-C and D is reportedly found in different regional
pockets of Asia. Results from Asian and Siberian mtDNA studies
indicate that this additional marker mutation is also present
among haplogroup-C mtDNA carriers from Mongolia, the Amur River
area, and in peoples with haplogroup-D mtDNA of Japanese, Korean,
and Ainu (aboriginal North Japan islands) descent. These results
further support Asiatic origins of migration by New World founding
human populations (Schurr 253).
WHEN DID NEW
WORLD FOUNDING HUMAN POPULATIONS ARRIVE?
Estimates range
from 17,700 years ago to 47,650 years ago BP on entry hallmarks
in natural history of the four-founding mtDNA haplogroups A-D
carriers (Bonatto and Salzano 1413, 1420-1). Introduction of
the major Y chromosome haplotype-1G is estimated at 30,000 years
ago BP in either ancestral populations of Beringia or prehistoric
Ixachilan (Lell et al. 540; Hurtado de Mendoza and Braginski
1439).

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SPECIAL TOPIC
SECTION
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Why
does controversy exist over the remains and heritage
of Ancient One, also known as Kenniwick
Man, by U.S. scientists?
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In
1996, the remains of human bones belonging to an ancient
man were exposed and found in a diminishing embankment
alongside the Columbia River in Kennewick, Washington.
The bones were radiocarbon dated between 8,340 to 9,200
calendar years BP (Taylor, Kirner, and Southon 1171).
Shortly thereafter, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
claimed the remains for local indigenous tribes. The
Corps cited the 1990 Native American Graves Protection
and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) and awarded the remains
to the Colville, Umatilla, Yakama, Nez Perce, and Wanapum
tribes (Barnard, AP). Presently, the National
Park Service (NPS) of the Department of Interior (DOI)
that administers NAGPRA, defines a "Native American"
as anyone or their descendants present within the U.S.
regional boundaries in 1492. However since the initial
claim for respectful burial by the tribal coalition,
a crossfire of legal action has erupted and pieces of
the skeletal remains were subject to disappearance,
reappearance, and testing while in the possession of
government officials (Holden 27 and 1240).
Lawyers for the tribes emphasized that the NAGPRA was
intended to provide Native Americans with the same burial
protection for their deceased as that offered to colonial
Americans. Yet, controversy over the remains and ancestry
of Ancient One was stirred by American scientists
seeking the right to proceed with further invasive study.
This experimentation was sought by the researchers in
an effort to rule out alternative theories on the peopling
of the New World. These alternative theories are based
on skull size variations found amongst very ancient
skeletal remains. While some scientists are bent on
finding evidence of non-native or perhaps European origins
that might have contributed to the precolonial human
concourse in the New World, many experts offer no such
evidence for these alternative theories of New World
peoples' origins and migrations.
Early
American expert, Christy Turner of the University of
Arizona, has reported that "only Indians"
were found among New World skulls under study thus far.
In the area of genetics, more than a decade of evidence
provides no support for a diverse genetic population
in prehistoric times other than "a small number
of founding lineages," such as those discussed
in this article, "whose descendants spread throughout
North and South America," remarks David Glenn Smith,
a molecular anthropologist at the University of California,
Davis. Furthermore, a few of the very ancient remains
have been used in DNA testing, including the remains
of Wizard Beach Mummy, a 9,200-year-old skeleton
from Nevada. All testing thus far shows the same DNA
markers among the ancient samples as seen in contemporary,
native New World populations (Morell 191).
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Was
Ancient One of European or New World Descent
?
Figure
5. Controversy Over the Remains and Ancestry of
the Ancient One, also Known as Kennewick Man by
U.S. scientists.
Represented below are two graphic reconstructions
of a clay bust (Barnard AP) crafted from
a cast of the original skull found at Kennewick,
WA in 1996. The image to the left is the clay
bust with fair, white features that are commonly
found among humans of Northern European descent.
The image to the right is the same clay bust with
red brown/black features commonly found among
indigenous people of New World descent.
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Graphic
Reconstructions of Kennewick clay model by Scott Jorgensen
& Citlalin Xochime 2001.
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In
July of 2001, Constance Holden reported in the
Science journal that four missing leg bones from the
original Ancient One skeletal frame had mysteriously
reappeared at the Benton County sheriff's storage facility
in Kennewick, WA. The four leg bones were documented as
missing during an inventory taken in 1997 at the Battelle
Pacific Northwest National Laboratory in Richland, WA,
where the remains were temporarily housed. Today, the
skeletal remains are stored at Burke Museum in Seattle,
WA.
What
do we know about the Ancient One's life?
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Anthropologist
James Chatter reports that Ancient One had a spearhead
point lodged into his pelvis. In addition to this injury,
it is known that he received multiple injuries, including
many fractured ribs, a harsh blow at the neck or a heavy
fall to cause such a neck injury, and damage to his left
frontal bone (Morell 191). Researchers think that he was
"a hunter in his 40's with a prominent nose and large,
muscular legs that most closely match physical characteristics
attributed to present-day Polynesians or SE Asians"
(Barnard AP).
In
one of the most recently published updates, the Science
journal reported in August of 2001 that the status of
the Kennewick Man case was active litigation. In a similar
custodial action presented in 2000 before the U.S. Bureau
of Land Management, in a case involving tribes that sought
custody of the 9,500-year-old Spirit Cave Man, the remains
were not awarded to the local tribal peoples.
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GENE,
HISTORY, AND LINGUISTIC STUDY
TRACING REGIONAL MIGRATION PATTERNS OF NATIVE PEOPLE
IN THE CONTINENTAL NORTH
Marker
mutations in the albumin protein, a serum protein
found in humans, were used to trace regional migrations
of Native People throughout the Continental North
in a study combining genetic, historic, and linguistic
evidence by David Glenn Smith et al., at the
University of California, Davis. Native People groups
and family languages under study are listed below
in Table 3. These major indigenous language groups
include Algonquian, Athabaskan, Inuit-Aleut, Uto-Aztecan
Nahuatl, Uto-Aztecan Tanoan, and Yuman.
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Table 3.
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Linguistic
Attribution and Native People Groups or Settlements Sampled
(Smith et al. 581).
|
Linguistic Attribution
|
Continental North
Native Group/Settlement |
 |
| Inuit_________________________________________ |
Inuit |
| Greenland Inuit____________________ |
Augpilogtok Island |
| Algonquian Cheyenne/Arapahoe______ |
Arapaho
and Southern Cheyenne |
| Algonquian Chippewa_______________ |
Salteaux (Turtle Mountain) |
| Algonquian Chippewa_______________ |
Las Couries Orielles |
| Algonquian Chippewa_______________ |
Mille Lacs |
| Salish (Coast)_____________________ |
Bella Coola |
| Wakashan________________________ |
Nuu-chah-nulth (Vancouver
Island, BC) |
| Iroquoian_________________________ |
Cherokee (Oklahoma) |
| Sioux____________________________ |
Sisseton/Wahpeton |
Sioux____________________________
|
"Southern Sioux"
(Iowa, Ponca, Quapaw, Winnebago) |
| Athabaskan Dogrib_________________ |
Rea Band |
| Athabaskan Inde (Apache)___________ |
Western (San Carlos) |
| Athabaskan Diné
(Navajo)___________ |
Bloomfield |
| Athabaskan Diné
(Navajo)___________ |
Kearns Canyon |
| Haida____________________________ |
Queen Charlotte Island |
| Muskogean ______________________
|
Chicasaw, Creek, Choctaw |
| Hokan Washo_____________________ |
Washo |
| Hokan Cochimi____________________ |
La Huerta and San Antonia
Necua, Baja |
| Hokan Kiliwa______________________
|
Arroya de Leon, Baja |
| Hokan Yuma Delta_________________ |
Kumiai, Cucapa (Baja) |
| Hokan Yuman River________________ |
Quechan |
| Hokan Yuman Pai_________________ |
Pai Pai (Santa Catarina,
Baja) |
| HokamYuman Pai_________________ |
Havasupai |
| HokamYuman Pai_________________ |
Hualapai |
| HokamYuman Pai_________________ |
Yavapai |
| Tanoan __________________________ |
Jemez Pueblo |
| Uto-Aztecan Shoshone_____________ |
Snake |
| Uto-Aztecan Paiute (Northern)________ |
Walker River |
| Uto-Aztecan Pima_________________ |
Onk Akimel O' Odham |
| Uto-AztecanNahuatl________________ |
Nahua |
| Zuni_____________________________ |
Zuni |
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The
Algonquian family of New World languages is spoken among
indigenous speaking inhabitants throughout the northeastern
(NE) Continental North with exception to the Iroquoians.
The Algonquian region extends from Labrador (East Canada)
in the north, to North Carolina in the South, and westward
to the Mississippi River, several Plains areas, and
Sackatchewan (Webster's 34). The Athabaskan family of
New World languages is currently or formerly spoken
in Northwest Canada and inland Alaska regions. Native
People that inhabit West Oregon and Northwest California
such as the Hupa, and Native People in the U.S. Southwest
such as the Inde (Apache) and Dine (Navajo) also speak
Athabaskan languages (Webster's 86). The Inuit (Eskimo)
Aleut family of languages is spoken by Native People
in extreme NE Siberia, Alaska, Canada, and Greenland
(Webster's 456). The Uto-Nahuatl family of New World
languages is currently or formerly spoken in the U.S.
Great Basin, the U.S. Southwest, Southern California,
and southward to Mexico and parts of the Continental
Midland (Webster's 1489).The Tanoan group of indigenous
languages is a small group of dialects in use by several
native Pueblo inhabitants of north and central New Mexico
(Webster's 1364). Speakers of indigenous Yuman family
languages include Native Peoples in the lower Colorado
River valley, Western Arizona regions, Southern California,
and North Baja California, Mexico (Webster's, 1549).
Marker
mutations in the albumin gene that are characterized
and found amongst native populations in Mexico or the
Continental North are identified as Albumin Mexico
(AL*Mexico) and Albumin Naskapi (AL*Naskapi).
Findings from the Smith study at UC Davis include the
near distinct presence of AL*Naskapi (carriers) amongst
Athabaskan and Algonquian speaking groups. Although
the occurrence of AL*Naskapi was also found in several
other native groups of differing language families.
However these non-Athabaskan/non-Algonquian speaking
groups had been residing nearby in the probable region
of AL*Naskapi's ancestral origin along the coastal (NW)
northwestern region of the Continental North. Whereas
the presence of AL*Mexico (carriers) was identified
in Yuman or Uto-Nahuatlan speaking groups and in several
linguistically different groups encompassing Mexico
(557). The Smith lab also reported that "the occurrence
of AL*Mexico in Aztecan (or Nahuatlan), Sonoron, and
Shoshonean languages, the three major geographic branches
of the Uto-Aztecan language family (Millier 1984)
is consistent with the expectation that all speakers
of Uto-Aztecan are closely genetically related"
(559).
Together,
the Smith findings suggest that the AL*Naskapi marker
mutation possibly arose on the NW coast of the Continental
North in a coalescent ancestral population to both Athabaskan
and Algonquian speaking groups. AL*Naskapi was then
regionally propagated by migration and relations with
exchanging, previously unrelated or distantly related
tribal peoples. This migration scenario possibly includes
the journey of ancestral Algonquian speaking people
from the Columbia Plateau to the present-day NE United
States region approximately 4,000 years ago. The AL*Mexico
marker mutation possibly arose in Mexico more than 3,000
years ago BP. AL*Mexico was then regionally propagated
northward through the Tepiman corridor (agriculturally
developed pathway) coupled with Mexican cultural influences
to several other different native groups that shared
in the Hohokam culture (Smith et al. 557).
Hohokam (from Tohono O' Odham "huhugkam"
meaning 'those who have finished') is a scholarly label
applied to an ancient culture that flourished in the
prehistoric Southwest U.S. (Southern Arizona) between
A.D. 200-400 and about A.D. 1450 (Shaul and Hill 1998).

SUMMARY
97%
of mtDNA samples from native based populations of Ixachilan
as culturally diverse as present-day Yanomami (Amazon
Forest), urban dwelling Mexica, Maya (Tropical Midland
region), Havasupai (western U.S.), Iroquois (southern
Ontario, Canada), Greenland Inuit, and, as ancient as
the Anasazi (Southwestern U.S.) and the Oneota mound
culture (Western Illinois, U.S.)—all match-up with one
of 4 major genetic mtDNA sequence marker haplogroup
types that identify each one as a descendant of the
earliest founding human populations to inhabit the New
World. These major marker mutations are well characterized
and known as mtDNA haplogroups A, B, C and D.
The
progression of these mtDNA haplogroups into the New
World by their founding human carriers date back in
natural history to more than 30,000 years ago BP. Haplotype
frequency of the Y chromosome 1G-haplotype, accounts
for 54% of all Ixachilan male groups sampled with an
appearance of the ancestral 1G-haplotype carriers in
the New World or Beringia dating back to 30,000 years
ago BP.
Regional
migration patterns of inheritance among Native People
populations in the Continental North were inferred in
an albumin gene study that combined genetic, historic
and linguistic evidence. Researchers looked for two
marker mutations known as Albumin Mexico (AL*
Mexico) and Albumin Naskapi (AL*Naskapi) among
Native People groups of varying linguistic attributions.
AL*Mexico was found among Yuman or Uto-Nahuatl dialectal
groups and in several differing linguistic groups throughout
Mexico. The appearance of the AL*Mexico marker mutation
in ancestral carriers is estimated at 3,000 years ago
BP and thought to have originated in Mexico. The AL*Naskapi
marker mutation was found in Athabaskan and Algonquian
dialectal groups and in several differing linguistic
groups residing in the NW Continental North. The appearance
of the AL*Naskapi is thought to have originated in an
ancestral population of both Athabaskan and Algonquian
dialectal groups in the coastal NW Continental North.

CONCLUSION
Human
migration to the prehistoric New World began tens of
thousands of years ago. Descendants of the earliest
founding New World populations include tribal peoples
and cosmopolitan native populations from vast regions
of the Continental North to the utmost tip of the Continental
South and the related tropic Continental Isles. Questions
about the origins and migrations of the New World's
first human inhabitants are investigated today using
molecular tools of biology and genetic studies. These
inquiries, combined with linguistic, molecular anthropologic,
and archaeologic evidence, support a novel paradigm
on Native People of Ixachilan origins and migrations.
That paradigm is a number of migrations, detectable
by genetic marker mapping of contemporary indigenous
peoples with ancient human remains and with people from
different regional backgrounds in Asia—including Lake
Baikal, Mongolia, West Siberia, Beringia, Japan, and
Korea. These geographical factors together with
environmental forces operating at the molecular level
over tens of millennia of habitation in the New World
are responsible for the distinct range of cultural diversity
and genetic relationships observed today in the native
New World population. Further studies on ancient human
migrations will contribute to a greater understanding
and resolution of Native People regional migration patterns
throughout the Continental North and South and global
patterns of inheritance from Asia and beyond. These
contributions will enrich the natural history, origins,
and migration lore of the indigenous people of Ixachilan
and provide support for current thought that
describes a genetic affinity binding all humanity.
Copyright 2001-2002: Citlalin Xochime
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Citlalin Xochime can
be reached at: citlalin@att.net

"In
essence, we traced vast regions of the New World searching
for molecular 'footprints' of places where our ancestors
once walked; and, in exalting conclusion,
.... we found them - wherever we walk today!"
-Citlalin
Xochime
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